God, Who rested on the seventh day “from all His work which He had done,” commanded that man should do likewise.

As part of their de-Christianization campaign, the French revolutionaries over 230 years ago rebuffed this divine commandment. Instead, they determined that anyone who managed to survive their historic bloodletting would have to rest on the final day of a 10-day cycle marked on a new calendar no longer commemorating the birth of Jesus Christ.

‘An almost identical anti-clerical measure was applied nearly a century and a half later by Stalin.’

Fortunately for those who labor today, this calendar, like the bloodthirsty republic that invented it, is no more.

The National Convention, the assembly that governed France from 1792 to 1795, decreed in late 1793 that “the vulgar era” of marking time was “abolished for civil usage” and that the era of the French Republic began on September 22, 1792, “at 9:18:30 in the morning.”

The leftist regime that guillotined an estimated 17,000 people during the Reign of Terror determined that moving forward, every year would be divided into 12 equal months each comprising 30 days. These 12 months would then be followed by five days that didn’t belong to any month.

Each month was divided in three equal parts, which the leftists referred to as decades because they had 10 days: Primidi, Duodi, Tridi, Quartidi, Quintidi, Sextidi, Septidi, Octidi, Nonidi, and Décadi.

RELATED: ‘Against the Machine’ offers playbook for battling leftist lies

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Gilbert Romme, the Montagnard politician who oversaw the short-lived calendar’s development, noted in 1793:

The vulgar era was born among an ignorant and credulous people amidst the troubles that were precursor to the fall of the Roman Empire. For eighteen centuries it served to fix within duration the progress of fanaticism, the degradation of nations; the scandalous triumph of pride, vice, and stupidity; and the persecutions and disgust that virtue, talent, and philosophy suffered under cruel despots who allowed this to be done in their name.

While the supposedly enlightened leftists’ new week had extra days, it didn’t have additional days of mandated rest. Romme noted that only the 10th day was the “day of Repose.”

In addition to having more workdays between days of rest, the new week disrupted church attendance — by design.

Sociologist Eviatar Zerubavel noted that:

aside from the immediate symbolic significance of doing away with one of the most sacred elements within the Christian tradition, the introduction of the ten-day rhythm of social life played a major role in disrupting church-attending practices, since it presented both practical and cognitive difficulties in keeping up with the traditional, sacred seven-day cycle. It is interesting to note that an almost identical anti-clerical measure was applied nearly a century and a half later by Stalin.

The new calendar also stripped common folk of all the holy days, including Christmas, that filled up their rejected Christian calendar. They were instead allotted the five days that didn’t fit into any particular month to celebrate select values of the revolutionaries, including revolution and industry.

Unsurprisingly, the French people resented the new calendar, reported Radio France Internationale.

While coming between working people and their weekends was far down the list of the things the French revolutionaries got wrong, the Anno Domini of that particular failure is nevertheless worth marking.

Although it made an 18-day reappearance in May 1871, the French Republican calendar was abolished in 1806 by the republican turned dictator Napoleon Bonaparte.

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​Labor day, French revolution, Jacobins, Calendar, Republican calendar, Politics 

There is a certain kind of person, at a certain kind of barbecue, who announces, with the flat authority of Scripture, that white is not to be worn after Labor Day. No one has ever produced this law. It’s enforced like a grudge: the offense long forgotten, the point being the enforcement.

That, it turns out, is the whole personality of the holiday: a house built on a foundation nobody can locate, in honor of a man history can no longer confidently name.

Labor Day has spent a century accumulating quirky social rules no legislature passed but nearly everyone obeys anyway.

The first Labor Day — not yet official, just an idea a union decided to act on — took place on September 5, 1882, in New York City. Someone willed it into being. Who, exactly, that person was is where the record gives out.

Credit for organizing it sits between Peter McGuire, a carpenter and the co-founder of the American Federation of Labor, and Matthew Maguire, a machinist and secretary of the Central Labor Union. While their unions were rivals, their surnames were just one letter apart, as if fate couldn’t be bothered to keep them straight.

A former U.S. Department of Labor historian admitted in 2011 that she still couldn’t say which one deserved the credit.

What is known is that it cost something. Workers reportedly forfeited about $75,000 in lost wages to march that day — the Central Labor Union even fined anyone who skipped it. Roughly 10,000 walked from City Hall to Union Square.

Even while most of the world marks the labor holiday on May 1, the U.S. wanted no part of it. A Haymarket Square rally in Chicago that began on May 1, 1886, ended in a deadly bombing three days later, turning May Day into a symbol of radicalism.

In 1894, President Grover Cleveland specifically pushed September into law instead so the holiday wouldn’t become a memorial to the Haymarket radicals.

From that origin — sacrifice, spectacle, and a little deliberate amnesia — Labor Day has spent a century accumulating quirky social rules no legislature passed but nearly everyone obeys anyway.

RELATED: The ‘tradition’ behind Nathan’s hot-dog eating contest is a fake news PR stunt

Aladdin Color Inc./Getty Images

For one, the white clothes were never really a rule so much as a gatekeeping test, likely invented by old-money New Yorkers of the Gilded Age terrified of being confused with the flanks of the industrial nouveau riche nipping at their heels.

Fashion historians trace it to Newport summers, where white linen signaled you had servants to launder it and no hard labor to dirty it.

After Labor Day, pools close with the solemnity of a curfew, though the reason behind that practice — the school calendar — is rather dull. Roughly a third of the country’s 309,000 public pools face shortages each year since so many lifeguards are teenagers who vanish the moment the school bell rings.

Mattresses also tend to go on sale at this time, but mostly because someone once noticed a day off is a day to shop — 30% to 50% across major brands.

And repetition, given enough years, effectively becomes law.

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​Chicago, Labor day, Union, Politics 

The towering figure of Anna Klobuchar Clemenc has returned to the streets of Calumet, Michigan, 70 years after she died.

Standing at 6’2″ tall, the woman known as “Big Annie” became the face of the copper miners’ strike in Copper Country, the northwestern counties of Michigan’s Upper Peninsula where copper mines sprang up in the middle of the 19th century.

On Christmas Eve 1913, the plight of the strikers turned unthinkably tragic.

The conditions in the mines were brutal. With shafts reaching more than a mile underground, the darkness was deep and thick, and the cost of miners’ equipment, including the candles for their hats, was deducted from their wages.

Shifts sometimes lasted 10 or 12 hours, six days a week, and almost always involved back-breaking physical labor. According to one report, nearly one out of every three miners suffered serious injury and one out of 200 was killed on the job.

Below are photos taken from inside Quincy Mine, located about 11 miles south of Calumet. The Quincy copper mine operated more or less continuously from 1846 until 1945, and a private organization now offers tours.

Photos taken by Blaze News

By 1913, the development of a new drill had changed the pay structure at the mines to compensate for time rather than productivity, resulting in a dramatic reduction in miner pay, according to the Daily Press. On July 23 of that year, nearly 9,000 copper miners in the region went on strike.

Big Annie, of course, was not one of them. However, she often led the way in their daily parades, carrying a giant American flag and demanding an eight-hour workday, higher wages, and better conditions.

Then the wife of a miner and the foundress of the Western Federation of Miners’ Women’s Auxiliary no. 15, Big Annie was eventually dubbed the “Heroine of the Copper Country Strike” and even an “American Joan of Arc.” She was arrested multiple times and served time in jail.

During one particularly contentious run-in with law enforcement, Big Annie reportedly shouted: “Kill me. Run your bayonets and sabres through this flag and kill me, but I won’t move. If this flag will not protect me, then I will die with it.”

The strike was at best minimally effective. The governor sent in the Michigan National Guard almost immediately, a notorious strike-breaking firm from New York arrived as well, and while the strike did disrupt operations, so-called scabs and imported foreign labor kept the copper mines going to some extent.

Then on Christmas Eve 1913, the plight of the strikers turned unthinkably tragic.

Big Annie and the rest of the Women’s Auxiliary hosted a Christmas party in the Italian Hall in Calumet for the striking miners and their families. The event was festive and even featured Santa and some gifts donated by union members and other businesses.

But at around 4:40 p.m., a man suddenly interrupted the revelry by shouting, “Fire! Fire!” His cries prompted a stampede downstairs for one exit, and 73 people were trampled to death in the stairwell, 59 of them children.

There was never any fire, and the alarmist was never identified. Folk singer Woody Guthrie memorialized the deadly incident in his song “1913 Massacre.”

Afterward, the strike limped along for another four months but officially ended without formal resolution on April 13, 1914.

Mining companies in the area did eventually implement an eight-hour workday and boosted wages, though some scholars argue that those changes were part of a larger labor reform movement throughout the country rather than the result of the strike.

Big Annie moved to Chicago shortly after the strike ended and died there in 1956 at the age of 68. While there’s no doubt she brought spirit and resolve to the strikers and their families, her legacy is a bit mixed.

Two of her three marriages ended in divorce. She divorced her first husband, miner Joseph Clemenc, just after the end of the strike and then married Frank Shaws, an editor of a socialist Slovenian newspaper.

Like Shaws, Big Annie was also a socialist. The Michigan Women’s Hall of Fame characterizes her as:

devoted to the active participation of women outside the traditional confines of the home. Having graduated from eighth grade, she was a relatively well-educated woman at that time. Clemenc was an avid follower of Eugene Debs, Mother Mary Harris Jones, and the tenets of socialism. It was her independent nature and strong-willed character that inspired many men and women to take a stand for justice.

Still, WLUC-TV recently described her as “a symbol of persistence and the mining history that built Calumet,” and residents there have never forgotten their native daughter.

On August 22, they unveiled a life-size bronze statue of Big Annie, complete with a base made of Calumet street bricks dating back to 1913. A parade celebrating the occasion drew large crowds and included the pep band from nearby Michigan Technological University.

RELATED: First rule for surviving Michigan winter? A daily walk with my kids

Courtesy of Visit Keweenaw

The statue project was a labor of love all its own. Locals spent years and raised over $150,000 to honor Big Annie, who was inducted into Michigan Women’s Hall of Fame in 1996 and Labor’s International Hall of Fame in 2013.

“If it wasn’t for people like Annie, who were so strong, I would have a hard time being a union member myself,” Bricklayers Union Member Adam Saari told WLUC-TV, “because the labor standards would not be the same.”

“I helped work on the statue, and I’m also someone who works in the mines,” said Bryan Latto, according to WLUC. “Our unique Upper Peninsula history is something that only we can preserve, so it’s something that we’ve got to do ourselves, otherwise nobody else is going to do it for us.”

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​Michigan, Copper, Upper peninsula, Politics 

President Donald Trump announced on Aug. 12 that one of his “most trusted aides, Karoline Leavitt,” was departing the role of White House press secretary after 19 months so that “she can spend more time with her beautiful young children and family.”

Leavitt, who gave birth to her second child on May 1, noted, “Serving as the White House Press Secretary over the past year and a half has been the honor and adventure of a lifetime.”

‘You’re a left-wing hack. You’re not a reporter. You’re posing in this room as a journalist.’

Unlike with her lesbian predecessor, Americans may soon come to miss Leavitt. After all, the unflappable Republican was responsible for a number of memorable moments. Three in particular stand out.

1. ‘They are criminals’

Just days after Trump retook office, a reporter noted Immigration and Customs Enforcement had already made roughly 3,500 arrests, then asked, “How many have a criminal record versus those who are just in the country illegally?”

Leavitt signaled right away that she wasn’t going to join the liberal media in downplaying the crime of stealing into the United States.

“All of them,” said Leavitt, “because they illegally broke our nation’s laws, and therefore they are criminals as far as this administration goes.”

The former press secretary acknowledged that after four years of the Biden administration, “It’s a big culture shift in our nation to view someone who breaks our immigration laws as a criminal, but that’s exactly what they are.”

2. ‘Left-wing hack’

A year later, Niall Stanage, a White House columnist from The Hill, quoted then-Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem as saying that ICE was doing “everything correctly.” After noting that some Americans have been arrested by ICE and invoking the name of Renee Good — an anti-ICE radical who was fatally shot while driving her SUV into an ICE agent — Stanage asked, “How does that equate to them doing everything correctly?”

RELATED: Karoline Leavitt rips into WaPo for ‘BS story’ about Trump and Hegseth

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It didn’t take long for Leavitt to suss out Stanage.

“Why was Renee Good unfortunately and tragically killed?” asked Leavitt.

Stanage replied, “Because an ICE agent reacted recklessly and killed her unjustifiably.”

Leavitt delivered her diagnosis: “OK, so you’re a biased reporter with a left-wing opinion. … You’re a left-wing hack. You’re not a reporter. You’re posing in this room as a journalist, and it’s so clear by the premise of your question.”

“You shouldn’t even be sitting in that seat,” added Leavitt.

The former press secretary continued to castigate Stanage, suggesting that he had a blind spot for the Americans killed by the very illegal aliens whom ICE works to detain and deport.

3. Maternal selection

President Trump revealed in October 2025 that he was planning to hold a summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Budapest, Hungary, “to see if we can bring this ‘inglorious’ War, between Russia and Ukraine, to an end.”

The Huffington Post’s S.V. Dáte pressed the White House on why the capital of a friendly NATO country that’s a three-hour flight away from Moscow had been chosen as the destination for the meeting, writing, “Is the president aware of the significance of Budapest? In 1994, Russia promised, in Budapest, not to invade Ukraine if it gave up the nuclear weapons it inherited when the Soviet Union dissolved. Does he not see why Ukraine might object to that site? Who suggested Budapest?”

The tone of the query clearly rubbed Leavitt the wrong way. She answered, “Your mom did.”

“Is this funny to you?” said Dáte, evidently unaware that it would soon be funny to a great many Americans.

Leavitt later noted, “For context, S.V. Dáte of the Huffington Post is not a journalist interested in the facts. He is a left-wing hack who has consistently attacked President Trump for years and constantly bombards my phone with Democrat talking points.”

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​Karoline leavitt, White house, Donald trump, Liberal media, Press secretary, Politics 

After walking away from Islam, content creator Eternal Bread of Life thought she had found peace in New Age beliefs. Drawn to practices like tarot cards and manifestation, she spent years pursuing what she believed was healing, self-discovery, and enlightenment.

She tells BlazeTV host Allie Beth Stuckey that her transition from Islam to witchcraft began when she started questioning what the Quran said was normal, like Muhammad’s child bride or his curse on women who “remove their hair from their eyebrows.”

“I was getting my eyebrows threaded, and so then this made me feel really guilty, and it also just made me feel frustrated and sort of resentful,” she says, “because like why would God care so much to the point that we’re cursed for doing that?”

She tells Stuckey that once she became a New Ager, she believed in “past lives, reincarnation, chakra balancing, meditation, mindfulness, psychic readings, [and] tarot cards.”

“I did find a lot of peace in it. Because, you know, there is a concept of trying to find your higher self. You know, doing shadow work to, like, heal the parts of yourself that are more broken or that need work,” she explains.

“Manifestation was also a big thing. And so I did find a lot of peace in it,” she adds.

Astrology was one of her favorite New Age beliefs, as she felt it related most to Islam.

“God created the planets, and there is some truth to astrology,” she says.

“Were you reading any particular books on the subject? Were they just kind of friends influencing you? How did you kind of go down that witchcraft-New Age rabbit hole?” Stuckey asks.

“It was mostly influencers online. You know, people who seemed very well versed in that kind of stuff,” she answers.

“I just always — because I had been taught the Bible was corrupted, the Quran is the final revelation, it’s the word of God, I never took it seriously. I never considered it.

“They basically drill it into you that Allah has no son. Jesus was just a prophet. When somebody’s telling you, like, ‘Oh, you know, Jesus loves you, Jesus, is God and He’s the son of God,’ you already have those guards up in your mind as a Muslim,” she explains.

However, when she did venture into New Age beliefs, others in the space reversed course and became Christians.

“They started to encounter Jesus in visions, or they had supernatural experiences, and then they immediately denounced all the New Age practice and they became a Christian,” she explains.

“I thought if I was ever going to go back to an Abrahamic religion, it would be Islam,” she continues. “So I wasn’t understanding. Why, like why is it Christianity?”

After her favorite New Age creator went on a meditation retreat with Joe Dispenza and had a vision of Jesus during meditation three separate times, her tune changed.

“He said, ‘Open your heart to me,’ and then she had … crazy experiences after that. So then after hearing her testimony, I was like, ‘Okay, I will give Christianity a chance,’” she adds.

Want more from Allie Beth Stuckey?

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​Astrology, Islam, Muhammad, New age, Quran, Tarot cards, Witchcraft, New ager, Allie beth stuckey, Blazetv show 

The battle for the soul of the Republican Party and the America First coalition is already under way. The midterm convention in Dallas this week gives anxious voters a chance to see what the party thinks it is fighting for now — and what comes next.

Democrats are building a case around what might be called Republican DEI: data centers, Epstein, and the Iran war. The examples differ, but the attack line is the same. Republicans, Democrats say, are beholden to special interests and major corporations, indifferent to the struggles of ordinary Americans and increasingly consumed by self-dealing and vanity projects.

Republicans have a chance to get their groove back before the midterms — the last federal election cycle that will shape Trump’s presidency.

Politics is a contact sport, and the Democratic Socialists of America are ascendant. Their critique will not be answered by dismissing it or by pursuing policies that seem to validate it.

The accusation is simple: Republicans protect the people who finance them. They will do unpopular things if donors want them done and avoid popular things if donors object. That critique has worked before — remember Mitt Romney’s collapse — and it can work again.

The Dallas convention is an opportunity to reconnect the Republican Party with the insurgency Donald Trump launched in 2015: opposition to a special-interest-dominated GOP, a focus on the economic and cultural condition of forgotten Americans, and resistance to mass migration that intensified those pressures.

Somewhere along the way, that focus shifted — in policy and in tone. Consider President Trump’s post last week on Truth Social, touting data centers: “The only reason that communities throughout the U.S.A. should not want Data Centers is if they want to end up being backwards and poor.”

That sounds uncomfortably close to Barack Obama’s notorious quip about struggling small-town Pennsylvanians who “cling to guns or religion” because their communities had been left behind. Obama’s mistake was not noticing the economic pain. It was treating the people living through it with contempt. Republicans should not repeat it.

RELATED: The left uses primaries. The right wastes them.

id-work/iStock/Getty Images

Data centers are polling disastrously across party lines. Candidates are flipping positions and racing to oppose them. Put aside the merits of any individual project. The political signal is obvious: Americans do not trust the political and economic system to protect them from another massive technological transformation.

Their anxiety is not a messaging problem. It reflects lived conditions. Many Americans have watched factories close, wages stagnate, housing costs soar, communities deteriorate, and successive technological revolutions enrich people somewhere else. When they hear promises that AI infrastructure will make everyone richer, they remember how often “everyone” turned out not to include them.

That is why the socialist critique has traction. Too many Republicans reinforce it by behaving like the government-relations arm of Fortune 100 companies. Americans who feel abandoned by institutions will rage against the machine — and increasingly, against the machines themselves.

So Dallas arrives at the right time. To borrow an underrated movie title, Republicans have a chance to get their groove back before the midterms — the last federal election cycle that will shape Trump’s presidency. The convention should answer a basic question: What and whom does the Republican Party stand for?

RELATED: Republicans keep losing because they won’t take hostages

Win McNamee/Getty Images

The answer does not require a new slogan. It requires remembering the old promises. Trump’s rise was built on reindustrialization, immigration enforcement, hostility to corrupt special interests, and a conviction that government should pay more attention to the people who live in hollowed-out towns than to the institutions that profited from hollowing them out.

That agenda should again be squarely focused on working Americans whose finances have worsened, whose communities have been transformed, and whose confidence in the country’s institutions has collapsed. Reindustrialize. Enforce the border and remove the millions of people who have no lawful right to remain. Break the grip of special interests over the political class.

The midterm convention is an opportunity to assure voters that the Republican program is still about getting their country back — not telling them they are backward or poor for objecting to what Washington and corporate America have planned for them.

​Iran war, Mass migration, Midterm convention, Dsa, Socialism, Dallas, Texas, Republicans, Opinion & analysis, Donald trump 

They say diamonds are forever, but so are humans. We do not stop existing at the death of our bodies. And that is why the death of Gloria Steinem should cause us to think seriously about more than her political legacy as a leftist activist.

Steinem died Wednesday at age 92. She will be remembered as one of the most influential feminists of the last century, a co-founder of Ms. magazine, and a leader in the movement that made abortion a defining element of modern feminism.

Gloria Steinem’s death should remind us that human beings are forever. That makes killing infinitely more serious than our culture wants to admit.

But there is another person whose life must be remembered when we remember Steinem: the unborn child she aborted.

Steinem became pregnant at 22. She had broken off an engagement and was preparing to leave for India. Abortion was illegal in Britain except in limited circumstances, but a physician, John Sharpe, helped her obtain one.

Decades later, Steinem dedicated her memoir, “My Life on the Road,” to Sharpe. She remembered his words to her: “You must promise me two things.” One was that she not reveal his name. The other was: “You will do what you want to do with your life.”

Those words summarize an entire moral revolution.

But what about the other life? What did that child want to do with his or her life?

That child never went to India. Never went to school. Never chose a career. Never fell in love. Never held a child. Never traveled, wrote a book, changed political parties, found religion, rejected religion, made mistakes, sought forgiveness, or grew old.

The philosophy supposedly centered on “choice” began by taking every choice away from someone else. There is no higher level of selfishness than to end another person’s life so that person does not get in the way of your own plans.

What does this tell us about the human heart?

Steinem once said, “I didn’t go to school until I was 12, so I missed a little bit of social conditioning.” She considered freedom from conventional social expectations liberating. That theme ran through her life: question inherited rules, throw off imposed roles, and determine your own destiny. In its most radical form, modern feminism treats human rules as mere social constructs and “being yourself” as acting on your desires without discipline or correction.

RELATED: Chelsea Clinton put a price tag on abortion

Anthony Kwan/Getty Images for MEBO Group

There is something attractive about that message. Human beings should question unjust traditions. But there is a darker possibility. What if the moral law we are overthrowing is not merely “social conditioning”? What if some acts really are wrong regardless of what society says? Steinem’s questioning was not merely philosophical curiosity. It echoed the sin of Genesis 3: the desire to become one’s own god, even to claim power over the life of another human being.

The most frightening capacity of the human mind is not ignorance. It is self-justification. We can take something terrible and give it a noble name.

Steinem did not merely defend her abortion reluctantly. She later described it as taking “responsibility for my own life.” She said she tried to make herself feel guilty by imagining how old her child would have been. It is as if Dostoevsky’s Raskolnikov had stopped midway through “Crime and Punishment,” still convinced that murder could elevate him above ordinary morality.

That is chilling precisely because the child disappears from the moral calculation.

Her life. Her responsibility. Her choice. Her future.

But another human being had a life too.

What does this say about the movement that followed her?

Steinem did not keep this reasoning private. She helped make it a political philosophy.

Millions of Americans were taught to describe abortion in the language of liberation, autonomy, and reproductive freedom. The unborn child became almost linguistically invisible. We learned to talk endlessly about the woman’s future while refusing to talk about the future being deliberately ended.

That is how moral revolutions work. They do not normally begin by convincing people to celebrate evil as evil. They rename it as something good.

Murder becomes “choice.”

The destruction of a human life becomes “health care.”

And denying another human being her entire future becomes “doing what you want with your life.”

RELATED: ‘That far’ always becomes here

Mike Coppola/Getty Images

The lesson of Steinem’s life is therefore larger than Steinem. She became influential because millions of people found that reasoning persuasive. A culture embraced the astonishing proposition that equality could be advanced by denying the most defenseless human beings even the equality of being allowed to live.

And now comes the question death forces upon us.

Christians believe Gloria Steinem still exists. We also believe her child still exists. Death does not make our actions disappear. It removes our ability to distract ourselves from them.

Imagine the question that child could ask: Mom, why did you kill me? Why was your future worth more than mine? Why did you get to “do what you want to do with your life” while deciding that I would never get to do anything with mine?

And widen the circle. What of the millions whose deaths were justified by the political movement Steinem helped lead? What happens when slogans about “reproductive freedom” meet the human beings whose lives those slogans helped extinguish?

Gloria Steinem’s death should remind us that human beings are forever. That makes killing infinitely more serious than our culture wants to admit.

And it makes repentance, forgiveness, and reconciliation with God infinitely more urgent.

The great question is not whether history praises us after we die. It is whether the God who gave life agrees with what we did with it. Steinem now stands before His judgment seat.

​Abortion, Christianity, Death, Feminism, Gloria steinem, God, Judgment, Opinion & analysis, Repentance, Sin