Conservatives often imagine that winning statewide elections means gaining control over the machinery of government. But this is wrong — and dangerously so. For far too long, red states have confused the two. The assumption that political victory automatically confers political authority is one of the chief falsehoods circulating on the right. It is the reason Republican states often look like Democrat ones, only with different bumper stickers.

This is an uncomfortable but necessary message for conservatives to hear: Red states are facing a major crisis of governance.

Red states have built conservative brands on progressive machinery.

The State Leadership Initiative’s new “Index Report” lays out the evidence in extensive detail. By the most basic measures of lean, accountable, and ideologically grounded government, red states are failing. Many of the policies their representatives are voting for and their governors are signing into law are profoundly out of step with the wishes of voters. Bureaucracies are bloated, universities multiply administrators faster than scholars, schools have fewer teachers than administrators, New York-style regulations pile up in red states like Texas, and seven of the 10 most federally dependent states wear the Republican label.

The key takeaway is not just that red states are doing poorly — it is that red states are almost indistinguishable from blue states on the metrics that matter.

This is not conservative governance. It is branding atop the chassis of managerial progressivism. Governors may cut a ribbon, sign a bill, or post a slogan, but beneath the surface, the operating code of their states is indistinguishable from California’s.

How can this be the case?

The bureaucratic cartel

The deeper reason for this unfortunate reality is explored in the State Leadership Initiative’s second major publication, the “Shadow Government Report.” It shows how state bureaucracies have been colonized — quietly, methodically — by a cartel of national associations and professional guilds no voter ever approved. These groups wield more influence over daily governance than most state legislatures, yet they are invisible to the public, untethered from electoral accountability, and drenched in progressive orthodoxy.

These associations are neither think tanks nor trade associations in the old sense. Yet they wield massive powers: They write standards, provide training, host conferences, and broker grants. These guilds credential personnel and tell agencies what “best practice” means.

Because legislators rarely read the fine print in the legislation they pass, the blueprints crafted by these associations become the law of the land by default. When the public wonders why every state suddenly adopts the same jargon, the same metrics, and the same “tool kits” on climate, equity, and inclusion, the answer is almost always because the same group of associations decided it.

The depth of ideological capture in these associations is astounding. The examples border on parody. The National Association of State Treasurers insists that environmental, social, and governance investing is a fiduciary duty and trains treasurers in diversity, equity, and inclusion.

The National Association of Medicaid Directors declares equity — not health outcomes — the “foundational principle” of Medicaid reform and pushes race-based service priorities.

The Association of State and Territorial Health Officials maintains that “structural racism” is a public health emergency and coordinates messaging on abortion, climate, and even online speech with the White House.

The National Association of State Procurement Officials encourages states to embed race- and gender-based scoring rubrics into contracting, turning neutral bidding into an ideological loyalty test.

The National Governors Association, which is supposedly a bipartisan forum of executives, functions as a relay for the left, peddling DEI and ESG tool kits like a traveling salesman.

These examples are far from exhaustive.

National associations operate outside democratic oversight while having a greater influence over shaping state policy than most legislatures. They are the Trojan horses of managerial progressivism. While legislators debate property-tax rates or curriculum, these associations push a suite of prepackaged policies — procurement guidelines, Medicaid waivers, regulatory thresholds — that heavily favor the status quo.

Protecting progressives

Civil service rules protect progressive careerists from political oversight. University boards rubber-stamp DEI because accreditation bodies — another arm of the cartel — say so. Procurement officers copy and paste National Association of State Procurement Officials templates. Medicaid directors take their orders from the National Association of Medicaid Directors rather than the governor.

The bureaucrats Republican governors inherit have been trained in association doctrine, are credentialed by association certifications, and are acculturated in association conferences. Even the vocabulary their agencies use — “resilience,” “inclusion,” “climate readiness,” “public-private partnership” — is imported from slide decks in Washington, D.C.

Our adversaries built the shadow government that now runs the states. The only question is whether conservatives will summon the courage to challenge it.

You may elect a conservative governor. But if his health agency still sends staff to Association of State and Territorial Health Officials trainings, his Medicaid office still uses National Association of Medicaid Directors templates, and his treasury department still follows the National Association of State Treasurers guidelines, the day-to-day governance is leftist by default.

Even if personnel are swapped out, the new trainees will be accepting “best practices,” model regulation, and training seminars from supposedly neutral industry experts. But this neutrality is a farce.

The result is a peculiar kind of political theater. Voters think they have chosen a government. Governors think they are in command. But the machinery hums along, indifferent to election returns and guided by national bodies whose values are taken from the faculty lounge and the federal bureaucracy. It is government by autopilot — and the autopilot was programmed by the left.

Rooting out the cartel

The cartel of leftist national associations needs to be dealt with in order for red states to prosper. The remedy is not tinkering around the edges but an aggressive structural overhaul.

First, states must begin by auditing and restricting association membership. Every agency should disclose its dues, trainings, grant pipelines, and template adoptions. Sunshine is a good disinfectant.

Second, agencies should be barred from importing association policies without legislative approval. If a procurement office wants to adopt National Association of State Procurement Officials rubrics, let it defend that choice in front of elected representatives in open hearings.

Third, association-led DEI trainings should be prohibited outright; they are not professional development but bureaucratic catechism.

Fourth, rival associations must be built, as the State Financial Officers Foundation has already done, to provide training and credentials aligned with republican self-government.

Finally, and most importantly, political leadership must penetrate the bureaucracy — more appointed positions, stronger sunset rules, and the restructuring of state agencies that resist accountability.

Some will protest that this sounds radical. It is not — it is the work of self-government. The radicalism lies in the present arrangement, in which anonymous guilds in a faraway capital dictate to sovereign states what their procurement contracts should look like or what principles guide their Medicaid systems. The radicalism lies in states whose constitutions enshrine republican rule yet whose daily operations are outsourced to entities their people cannot name.

This reform in red states is not optional if conservatives mean to govern.

Changing the machinery

The Index reveals the failures; the Shadow Government Report reveals the cause. Paired together, they teach a crucial lesson: Red states have built conservative brands on progressive machinery. They talk like Jefferson but regulate like Albany. They thump their chests about liberty while paying dues to organizations that smuggle equity quotas into their hiring manuals.

RELATED: The deep state is no longer deniable — thanks to Tulsi Gabbard

Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

To continue on this path is to win hollow victories, mistaking campaign slogans for statecraft. It is to send governors into battle armed with speeches while the other side controls the maps, the supply lines, and the ammunition. The work ahead is not to shout louder but to actually govern — to tear down the scaffolding of association rules and build institutions that are faithful to the people they’re supposed to serve. Until that is done, every red state risks being a blue state in disguise.

Governance is not automatic. It is not the inevitable byproduct of winning elections. It is the patient, disciplined, steady construction of institutions aligned with the people’s will. Our adversaries have known this for decades. They built the shadow government that now runs the states. The only question left is whether conservatives will summon the courage to challenge it.

Editor’s note: This article was published originally at the American Mind.

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The Trump administration’s border czar announced Friday that federal officials have found tens of thousands of the missing children lost under the Biden administration.

Tom Homan made the comments on Fox News as the administration released some data about President Donald Trump’s mass deportation efforts.

“Out of the 300,000 children — I looked at the numbers just yesterday — we’ve located over 23,000 of them,” Homan said.

‘That’s a big plus for the administration because the last administration wasn’t even looking for them.’

“So 23,000 locations of 300,000. President Trump’s committed. We’re not going to stop until we find every one of them or at least run every lead down on those 300,000 children. That’s a big plus for the administration because the last administration wasn’t even looking for them.”

The 300,000 figure is taken from a government report in 2024 about unaccompanied migrant children who had been released to sponsors or family members within the U.S. The report said that 32,000 of those children failed to show up to immigration court between 2019 and 2023, but another 291,000 of those children didn’t receive court notices at all.

Critics say the children aren’t actually missing but that it is more of a bureaucratic “paperwork issue” of the government.

“That doesn’t mean something bad happened to them,” said Aaron Reichlin-Melnick of the American Immigration Council to the BBC. “It means you missed a court hearing.”

However, Reichlin-Melnick admitted that some of those children are at higher risk for trafficking and abuse, a finding included in the 2024 report.

RELATED: Online outrage erupts over video of illegal alien arrest — then his horrific charges are revealed

A Department of Homeland Security official told Fox News that total deportations had reached 350,000 removals under Trump.

“President Trump and Secretary Noem have jump-started an agency that was vilified and barred from doings its job for the last four years,” the official said. “In the face of a historic number of injunctions from activist judges, ICE, CBP, and the U.S. Coast Guard have made historic progress to carry out President Trump’s promise of arresting and deporting illegal aliens who have invaded our country.”

The spokesperson added that migration through the Darien Gap in Panama is down 99.99%.

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President Donald Trump’s efforts to impose tariffs on imports from foreign governments hit a massive stumbling block in the form of a federal appeals court decision on Friday.

The 7-4 ruling of the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit found that the president exceeded his authority when he cited a 1977 emergency powers act to implement many of his tariffs. If upheld, tens of billions of dollars in tariff revenue would have to be returned.

‘None of these actions explicitly include the power to impose tariffs, duties, or the like, or the power to tax.’

The ruling will not take effect until Oct. 14 to allow the administration to appeal the decision to the U.S. Supreme Court.

“The statute bestows significant authority on the president to undertake a number of actions in response to a declared national emergency, but none of these actions explicitly include the power to impose tariffs, duties, or the like, or the power to tax,” reads the order from the court.

The ruling applies to those tariffs made under the authority of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act but not those passed by the president through other laws.

Trump has said that the billions of dollars of revenue from the tariffs would help balance the budget and erode the massive government debt. He has also used the tariff threat to force companies to bring back manufacturing to the U.S.

RELATED: Trump says he’s considering ‘a little rebate’ for Americans from tariff revenue

“The tariffs give us great power to negotiate,” Trump said in comments from April. “Always have, I’ve used them very well in the first administration, as you saw, but now we’re taking it to a whole new level, because it’s a worldwide situation, and it’s very exciting to see.”

Critics say that the Constitution specifically granted the power of tariffs to Congress and that tariffs usually lead to trade wars, lost jobs, and inflation.

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While Christians on the right may be viewed as “radical” in the eyes of the left, they’re not even as close to how radical the left has become.

And BlazeTV host Steve Deace believes that needs to change if Americans want their children marked safe from the kind of evil that the left’s most radical are capable of unleashing — like the recent shooting of school children at church in Minneapolis.

“Even as radicalized as we’ve all become in the last few years, we are still not to the level of radicalization that we are up against. Now, I would not be a supporter of equaling their radicalization because I think that would call us to do things that God’s word says that we cannot,” Deace says.

“That being said, I think being more aware of their radicalization will make us more prone to do the preparation that God’s word says we must. And we haven’t,” he continues.

And that radicalization of the other side was on full display in Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey’s comments regarding the horrific shooting on CNN.

“Obviously, I’ve heard about the rhetoric and the narrative that is being pushed out. But here’s the thing. Anybody that is going to use this as an opportunity to villainize our trans community or any community has lost touch with a common humanity,” Frey told reporter Erin Burnett.

“We’ve got to be operating not out of hate for any group, but out of a love for our children,” he added.

“Straight up demonic levels of gaslighting,” Deace says.

“How can the mayor of Minneapolis say that level of gas lighting with conviction? There was real conviction there. That’s not BS at all. That’s not virtue signaling. That’s real, because this is his religion, and he’s committed to it, and he’s more committed to it than most of you are,” Deace continues.

“That level of conviction there is biblical, man,” he adds.

And while many liberals have been touting the line that “prayer is not enough,” Deace is actually in agreement.

“Words are not enough, and we need some commonsense gun control. Anybody who has ever sought any level of counseling, I don’t care if they’re 8 or 108, any level of counseling on quote, ‘gender affirming care,’ can never own a weapon,” Deace says.

“What needs to happen is tranny madness needs to be completely eradicated from every social institution and polite conversation in the United States of America and not just for children. Any age regardless. It cannot happen,” he continues.

“The sheer lunacy of this, no human civilization can be civilized and sustain it,” he adds.

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