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The quiet candidate is making noise in Florida
Political campaigns have a rhythm. At first, the questions are easy: Who raised the most money? Who landed the biggest endorsement? Who dominates the headlines? Consultants love this stage because it allows them to declare winners before most voters have begun paying attention.
Then the race changes.
The primary is no longer simply a contest over money, endorsements, or online attention. It is becoming a test of who understands what comes next — and who has prepared to govern through it.
Momentum gives way to scrutiny. Personality must give way to policy. Candidates who looked inevitable begin answering questions about their records, judgment, and ability to govern.
Florida’s Republican primary for governor has reached that stage.
Only a few months ago, the race appeared nearly settled. U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds had President Donald Trump’s endorsement, national attention, and a fundraising operation that dwarfed the rest of the field. Political insiders spoke of inevitability as though Republican voters had already rendered their verdict.
Donalds remains the front-runner. That position deserves acknowledgment — and scrutiny. Increased attention has brought new questions about his record, campaign, and legal controversies. Voters and the courts, where appropriate, will decide those issues. But they are now part of the race, whether his supporters welcome them or not.
James Fishback entered the race as an energetic outsider with a strong social media operation and a talent for commanding attention. He has proved capable of generating enthusiasm and headlines. Campaigns, however, eventually demand more than velocity.
Voters begin asking harder questions: Can this candidate govern? What’s the plan? How would bold promises become legislation and administration?
Those questions have become more urgent as Fishback defends himself against a legal challenge to his eligibility under Florida’s constitutional residency requirement. Fellow Republican candidate Jay Collins brought the challenge. Fishback disputes the allegations and says he meets the requirement. Whatever the outcome, the case has introduced uncertainty into a campaign built largely on momentum and personality.
Collins faces a different test.
A decorated Green Beret with a compelling personal story, Collins entered the race with credentials few could dismiss. Yet campaigns turn on trust as much as biography. Critics have questioned whether his rhetoric and financial support align, particularly on hyperscale data centers and real estate development. Collins has defended his positions, but the dispute illustrates how quickly Republican voters now demand consistency between campaign language and governing priorities.
That leaves the most overlooked candidate in the field: Paul Renner.
Renner lacks Donalds’ financial advantage and has not relied on celebrity, inevitability, or viral attention. Instead, he has offered voters something less theatrical and potentially more consequential: a governing program.
Voters may disagree with parts of his First 100 Days agenda, but it is a road map rather than a collection of applause lines.
Renner has addressed property insurance, affordability, infrastructure, parental rights, election integrity, illegal immigration, and Florida’s response to the emerging artificial intelligence economy. More important, he has tried to show how those priorities connect.
RELATED: ‘It’s past time’: Florida launches investigation into Fauci
Pedro Portal/El Nuevo Herald/Tribune News Service/Getty Images
That is where the race is changing.
Florida Republicans have spent years fighting over freedom. They are now asking how to preserve the quality of life that freedom was supposed to protect.
How does Florida keep teachers, firefighters, nurses, sheriff’s deputies, and young families from being priced out of the communities they serve? How can the state welcome investment without overwhelming roads, utilities, and water supplies? How should it embrace artificial intelligence while protecting property rights, local communities, and natural resources? How can growth enrich Floridians rather than merely raise their cost of living?
Those are real governing questions, not merely campaign slogans.
The next governor will inherit one of America’s fastest-growing states and most dynamic economies. He will also inherit rising insurance costs, strained infrastructure, rapid population growth, technological disruption, and mounting pressure on the affordability that helped make Florida attractive.
The primary is therefore no longer simply a contest over money, endorsements, or online attention. It is becoming a test of who understands what comes next — and who has prepared to govern through it.
Momentum changes. Fundraising advantages narrow. Polls rise and fall. Eventually, voters stop asking which candidate can win and start asking which candidate should govern.
Florida’s Republican primary has finally reached that question. The candidate who answers it most convincingly may discover that the race was never as settled as the consultants claimed.
Governor, Opinion & analysis, Trust, Primary, Florida, Byron donalds, James fishback, Jay collins, Paul renner
How a psychic, New Age hippie led me to Catholicism
In 1993, I moved to an industrial city north of Prague, about 30 miles from the Czech/German border. Usti nad Labem had been around for almost a thousand years, but after half a century of socialist dictatorship, anything old had been replaced with hideous prefab housing estates and pollution-spewing chemical plants. It did have an old church from the 14th century, but I never went inside. It was just a relic of a time when being stupid and superstitious was the only option.
I had gotten a job teaching English to engineers at a local natural gas distribution company. I was a 22-year-old Ivy League liberal arts graduate. I had no experience or knowledge worth sharing, of course, and my students were older, with careers and families, and they treated me with deference anyway, as well as with kindness and hospitality. In return, I pitied them as hopelessly trapped in their small lives. I was meant for something bigger. I had no idea what, but I figured it would announce itself eventually.
Within seconds of meeting a girl at a party, he realized they had been lovers in prerevolutionary France, until he was garroted for trying to rescue her from prostitution.
East of Eden
I fell in with the small community of foreigners in town — about 10 Americans along with a few Brits and Canadians — but kept my distance. They weren’t the kind of friends I had in mind for myself — they were too provincial and unsophisticated.
Especially strange to me was a hulking gentle giant from Los Angeles named Chad. He was pushing 30 and lived off savings he had accumulated from a series of showbiz-adjacent jobs, including sales for a porn video distributer and caretaking an old Beverly Hills mansion now used for film shoots.
The mansion had been the site of a lurid, high-society murder-suicide in the ’20s and was haunted. He told us of strange encounters he’d had there alone late at night, the distant sound of piano music, which abruptly stopped as he moved toward it; a heavy, nauseating feeling of malice that descended upon him in certain rooms, the eerie sensation of being shoved.
These stories held our attention, but they didn’t seem like a big deal to him. He had always been particularly sensitive to the supernatural, he said, and he had an endless supply of anecdotes bearing this out.
‘Star 80’
There was overwhelming mutual attraction he shared with a girl within seconds of meeting her a party, only to realize they had been lovers in prerevolutionary France, until he was garroted for trying to rescue her from prostitution. He had vivid explorations of the lost city of Atlantis in lucid dreams, leaving him with an aching sense of being in exile. He was a connoisseur of 1970s femininity and could talk at length about the unearthly beauty and spiritual depth of murdered Playboy Playmate Dorothy Stratten, whose distinct presence he could often feel, no matter where he was in the world.
I found all this unforgivably hokey. And I felt it reflected badly on me and my future. But I had to admit he was funny and intelligent. We became friends, even though I secretly regarded him with detached, ironic amusement. I enjoyed the matter-of-fact, unpretentious way he delivered even his boldest claims. Once, in one of my regular hungover tailspins of anxiety, I asked him if he wasn’t afraid of nuclear war. He sighed with slight exasperation and explained that obviously the higher beings protecting Earth would never allow it.
This idea didn’t reassure me, but his relaxed, confident demeanor did. And I began to realize that maybe thinking crystals were nonsense didn’t make me a better person. Even if Chad weren’t the conduit to the spirit world he claimed to be, he was uncommonly empathetic and perceptive when it came to other people, which is why we all liked to be around him. Whereas my constantly shifting sense of who I was and what it all meant kept me in a state of agitated self-obsession.
RELATED: Jesus in the temple (of progressivism): What I learned watching Portlanders debate a street preacher
NurPhoto/Getty Images
Under the bridge
I was too educated to believe that evil left some kind of spiritual mark on a place, but just 50 years ago, this city I used as the backdrop for my inner drama had been ceded to Hitler. Then, it was bombed by Americans. And just after the war, it was the site of a brutal massacre, in which a mob of Czechs attacked their ethnic German neighbors, shooting and stabbing some 100 men, women, and children and throwing them off the town bridge. Maybe Chad was a kook, but at least he made me consider that there might be something at stake in this world. That it mattered what we did and even what we thought. That transcendent good and evil were real and could touch us.
These abstract musings lost their appeal when Chad moved back to California and I moved to Prague. I was finally where the action was. Here the visionaries weren’t so gauche as to talk about communing with the dead or the melancholy of old souls lost in the slipstream of time. They were there to summon the coming techno utopia, which required optimism and an eagerness to let go of the past.
I was on board, but I was also undisciplined and easily discouraged. Everywhere I looked I saw monuments to martyrs: the heretic priest burned at the stake, the ordinary civilians killed in the doomed uprising against the Nazis, the young medical student who set himself on fire to protest the Soviet occupation. Their resolve, like my frantic strivings, seemed meaningless in the face of oblivion.
Settling down
The obvious cure for this self-indulgent, existential dread was to move to New York City and get serious about my life. I temped and lived in cramped apartments in cool neighborhoods and got a low-paying but status-signaling media job. I ran into an old college girlfriend with a sensible career and many of the same friends I’d had. We got married and had children, and we relocated to her hometown of L.A., which I’d heard so much about from Chad.
Chad had moved to a small town outside Sacramento with a wife and son. My wife and I were still in the thick of it, upwardly mobile and cultured, with high expectations for ourselves and our kids. It went without saying that we were good, tolerant people. Church was an occasional, unobtrusive reminder to be grateful and give back. We didn’t have any commitments that might make things awkward with our friends or put us at odds with our community.
I was comfortably settled but still imagined myself as on the verge of transformative, clarifying success. Until one day I didn’t. I wasn’t special, my kids would soon abandon me, and I was going to die. I tried to ease the panic with therapy, running, and Ram Dass videos on YouTube.
Auto-da-Facebook
A goth girl I did plays with in high school re-emerged on Facebook as a devout Catholic stay-at-home mom and pro-life activist. After a few pointless arguments, I calmed down and started reading everything she posted without comment. It was fascinating to imagine being so gullible and narrow-minded. I watched videos she linked to and read books she mentioned. I embedded myself in this bizarre, backwards culture.
A few months later, I was sitting in my car, saying the rosary for the first time, just to see what would happen. I guess I showed her.
I entered the Catholic Church about a year later. Just before the COVID lockdowns, I got a call that Chad had had a massive stroke. We hadn’t been in touch for years. I gave money to his recovery fund and got added to a text group of friends and family who unselfconsciously offered their prayers and invoked the healing power of God’s mercy. I was surprised at how natural I felt doing the same. And how praying actually felt like doing something helpful. I still include him in my daily rosary.
Maybe it’s just guilt that I haven’t written or called, but I like to think he can pick up on it somehow. If so, I hope he humors me, like I humored him 30 years ago.
California, Catholic, Ivy league, Los angeles, Rosary, Therapy, Culture, Lifestyle, Faith
Shocking video shows alleged kidnapper shooting victim in car trunk after police chase in quiet SoCal neighborhood
The peace and quiet of a residential street in Southern California was shattered on Wednesday evening when police shot and killed a man they watched allegedly shoot and kill a kidnapped victim after a car chase.
Video captured of the shocking incident shows the driver of the car getting out of his vehicle after being pulled over by police, then calmly walking back to the trunk and shooting someone lying inside.
‘It is disturbing. … Apparently there was a victim inside there who had been kidnapped.’
San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department deputies were dispatched to a home on Monteverde Drive in Chino Hills at about 10:14 p.m. over a report of gunshots and screaming, according to a press release.
While they were responding, they saw the suspect driving away at a high speed and attempted to pull him over.
He refused and led them on a chase that ended on Wandering Ridge Drive. Officers ordered the occupants out of the car, and a passenger complied and was taken into custody.
The driver did not comply.
After the driver fired into the open trunk, he was shot and killed by deputies.
“It is disturbing,” sheriff’s spokeswoman Gloria Orejel said. “Apparently there was a victim inside there who had been kidnapped from the previous Monteverde address.”
Police found a male victim in the trunk and attempted to revive him and the shooter, but they were both declared dead at the scene. They indicated that the officers were not aware of the person in the trunk before the shooting.
An investigation found that the victim had been shot and kidnapped from the Monteverde Drive address. No deputies were injured in the incident.
RELATED: Florida man who allegedly abducted 13-year-old gets shot and killed by 9 officers
The vehicle involved was a Nissan Altima with an Oregon license plate.
“I was shocked, to be honest,” said Gregory Uthus, a resident of the neighborhood. “This doesn’t happen in Chino Hills.”
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High speed chase, Surveillance video, Police shooting, Kidnapping, Crime
The Fifth Amendment won’t save Fauci from himself
In “The Picture of Dorian Gray,” Oscar Wilde imagines a portrait that records the corruption its subject refuses to see in himself. Dorian hides the picture because its truth is unbearable. The concealment is physical, but the deeper act is spiritual: Self-deception protects him from self-knowledge.
Anthony Fauci’s Wednesday appearance before the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs supplied a modern version of Wilde’s image. Fauci invoked the Fifth Amendment 111 times.
The legal questions are serious. The philosophical question is more intimate: How does Fauci live with himself?
The constitutional privilege against self-incrimination is fundamental. The government bears the burden of proving guilt. A witness need not assist the prosecution by supplying evidence against himself, and a jury ordinarily may not treat a criminal defendant’s silence as proof of guilt.
But Fauci’s silence invites a question larger than criminal liability. What does a public official do when the legal right not to answer collides with the moral obligation to confront his own record?
Sens. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) and Ted Cruz (R-Texas) have raised a narrower legal question. If President Biden’s pardon protects Fauci from prosecution for the conduct under examination, the basis for invoking the Fifth Amendment may be considerably weaker. Congress can also compel testimony after an appropriate grant of immunity. Those questions belong to lawyers and courts.
Cruz, meanwhile, accused Fauci of showing “contempt for Congress and contempt for the American people.” He argued that Fauci’s diaries reveal private doubts about the “wet market” explanation for COVID-19 and private satisfaction over persuading Democrat officials to keep schools closed while publicly distancing himself from those decisions. The consequences for millions of children, Cruz said, will last a lifetime.
Other controversies surrounding Fauci’s tenure at the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases deepen the moral inquiry. NIAID funded research using human fetal tissue derived from elective abortions, including projects intended to create “humanized” mice for disease research. The Trump administration later restricted NIH scientists from acquiring new fetal tissue. One widely discussed study involved grafting fetal scalp tissue onto mice. The study appeared in Scientific Reports in 2020.
The legal questions are serious. The philosophical question is more intimate: How does Fauci live with himself?
The answer may be that he does so by dividing himself. There is the public Fauci, who speaks with certainty and moral authority, and the private Fauci, whose diaries preserve doubts, calculations, resentments, and self-justifications.
Self-deception tells a person that he has done nothing wrong. Self-justification supplies the explanation for everyone else. The first lie protects the conscience. The second protects the reputation.
“Taking the Fifth” can therefore become more than a legal act. The constitutional privilege is legitimate. The existential temptation it symbolizes is not: the desire to avoid the truth because the truth would collapse the identity one has built.
RELATED: ‘It’s past time’: Florida launches investigation into Fauci
Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call Inc./Getty Images
A divided person does not merely conceal himself from others. Eventually, he loses the ability to recognize himself. Public statements serve one purpose, private reflections another, and the distance between them becomes a permanent feature of the soul.
Why keep a diary at all? Even teenagers know that diary locks are flimsy and private pages may someday be read. The impulse to record what one cannot say publicly suggests that self-deception never quite succeeds. A person may hide the portrait, but he still returns to the attic.
Fauci’s diary resembles a secular confessional. He did not confess to God or seek absolution from anyone beyond himself. He recorded his private account before the highest authority his worldview appears to recognize: Anthony Fauci.
That arrangement offers no forgiveness because it requires no repentance. The same man supplies the accusation, the defense, the verdict, and the pardon.
Wilde understood that self-deception cannot preserve the soul forever. The portrait keeps changing even when no one looks at it. The mind can suppress guilt, rename pride as duty, and call self-protection public service. But every evasion leaves another mark.
At some point, only two paths remain. One leads through truth, repentance, and the surrender of the false self. The other leads deeper into silence, because every answer threatens the structure of excuses holding the person together.
That is the existential Fifth: not the lawful refusal to incriminate oneself before the state, but the lifelong refusal to testify honestly before one’s own conscience.
Anthony fauci, Fifth amendment, Ted cruz, Rand paul, Covid, Lockdowns, Picture of dorian gray, Niaid, Plead the fifth, Fauci diaries, Opinion & analysis
Commie Mamdani just published a hit list of his rich enemies
New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani (D) promised to tax the rich, and he is keeping that promise. His newly announced pied-à-terre tax would impose an annual levy on many pricey second homes — and comes with a dose of public shaming.
“In true commie fashion — Muslim commie fashion — the new mayor of New York City, Zohran Mamdani … he’s like, ‘How can I go further and further commie?’ And so he just keeps outdoing himself,” BlazeTV host Sara Gonzales comments on “Sara Gonzales Filtered,” before playing Mamdani’s initial announcement of the tax.
“When I ran for mayor, I said I was going to tax the rich. Well, today we’re taxing the rich. I’m thrilled to announce we’ve secured a pied-a-terre tax. The first in New York’s history. This is an annual fee on luxury properties worth more than $5 million whose owners do not live full-time in the city,” Mamdani said in a promotional video.
“They’re not actually taxing you for land and for homes that are supposed to be yours once. They’re taxing you twice, because who are you to have so much wealth that you have two homes? Who are you to work hard and enjoy the rewards of all of your hard work?” Gonzales asks, adding that “in true Muslim commie fashion, he’s gloating about it.”
In a post on X, Mamdani wrote: “If you have a second home in New York City worth more than $5M, check your mailbox when you’re back in the five boroughs — because you’ve got mail.”
“Today, we sent notification letters to property owners, letting them know that our new pied-a-terre tax is coming soon. The best city in the world deserves the best parks, libraries, and schools in the world. That’s only possible when we all pay our fair share,” he added.
“This certainly is going to put a bow on the destruction of New York City,” Gonzales says.
But Mamdani didn’t just notify the property owners. He “actually put out a hit list,” including all the names and addresses of those who could be hit with the new tax in a searchable database.
“He is doxxing you guys for the world to see,” Gonzales comments, noting that on the list are celebrities like Anna Wintour, Cynthia Nixon, and Woody Allen.
“It’s just insane how badly he wants to just doxx these people for working hard,” she adds.
Want more from Sara Gonzales?
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Sara gonzales, Zohran mamdani, Muslim, Tax the rich, New york city, Cynthia nixon, Woody allen, Anna wintour, Piedterre tax, Communism, Blazetv show
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